Today marks the fortieth anniversary
of the infamous speech in which President Nixon committed to waging “a
new, all-out offensive” against drug abuse, which he declared “public
enemy number one.” This moment is widely regarded as the unofficial
launch of America’s spectacularly unsuccessful and costly global war on
drugs.
If ever there was a time to consider exit strategies from a war, this
is it. The war on drugs has cost roughly $1 trillion. It has resulted
in tens of millions of arrests, put millions behind bars and driven the
growth of a massive prison-industrial complex that now lobbies for the
perpetuation of this failed war.
It has precluded the sorts of public health policies that might have
prevented hundreds of thousands of people in this country from dying of
AIDS and other infectious diseases as well as overdoses.
And it has legitimized gross violations of civil liberties and human
rights in the United States and abroad; generated a global illicit drug
market worth roughly $300 billion annually; and produced levels of
crime, violence and corruption in many parts of the world that far
exceed anything seen during the Prohibition era.
As with the war in Afghanistan, now approaching its tenth
anniversary, few in government want to celebrate this anniversary. At
best they can point to President Nixon’s impressive commitment to
expanding treatment for addicts even as he dramatically expanded the
punitive components of the nation’s drug policy. But claims that the war
on drugs has accomplished much good falter in the face of meaningful
evidence. And no one dares claim that the war has been won or even that
there’s any light at the end of the tunnel. As The Onion once put it, “The War on Drugs Is Over: Drugs Won.”
This anniversary is being “celebrated,” however, by its critics. On
June 2, the Global Commission on Drug Policy released an extraordinary report
calling for transformative changes in the global drug prohibition
regime, including not just alternatives to incarceration and greater
emphasis on public health approaches but also decriminalization and
experiments in legal regulation. The members of the commission included
former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan; Richard Branson, founder of the
Virgin Group; and four former presidents, including the commission’s
chairman, Fernando Henrique Cardoso of Brazil. The US members included
former Secretary of State George Shultz and former Fed chairman Paul
Volcker. Never before has a group of such distinction recommended such
far-reaching reforms of global drug policy.
The release of the report generated headlines and other media
coverage worldwide, unlike anything ever seen before regarding drugs and
drug policy. The commissioners made clear that they hoped their bold
initiative would open up new political space in which not just former
presidents and ministers but also those still in office will begin to
voice similar sentiments.
All across the country this week are rallies and demonstrations
calling for an end to the nation’s war on drugs. Activists for drug
policy reform are recruiting local elected officials, clergy and people
affected by the war on drugs to speak out and educate fellow citizens.
Among the most persuasive of these are parents whose children are
struggling with drug addiction, who have seen up close how devastating
drugs can be but who also see clearly that the war on drugs did nothing
to help and much to hurt their children and so many others.
This is how the war on drugs will end: with elder statesmen calling
for radical change, and millions of victims of the drug war saying
enough is enough, and fiscal conservatives tiring of the expense, and
civil rights advocates embracing reform as part of their agenda, and
young people rejecting the war as the folly of their elders, and elected
officials deciding it’s time to step out—and tens of millions of
parents concluding that their children and the future of our society are
better served by policies that rely dramatically less on criminal
sanctions and harsh punishments and much more on science, compassion,
health and common sense.
Not so long ago, members of Congress competed to introduce ever
tougher and more costly drug laws. Now we see a growing competition and
collaboration to introduce bills rolling back the drug war. Much the
same is happening in state legislatures across the country. And public
support for removing marijuana entirely from criminal law is growing
rapidly—from 36 percent in favor and 60 percent against in 2005 to 46
percent in favor and 50 percent against late last year (according to
Gallup’s polling). It’s quite possible that the 2012 elections will
include at least one victory for a state ballot initiative to regulate
marijuana like alcohol.
I’m not prepared to say we’re at the tipping point. But never before
have I felt so optimistic about prospects for major reform of drug
policy in the United States and around the world.