［評析］三星這個最大財閥，一定是幹了不少的壞事，才會讓南韓民眾說出三星共和國的氣話！
【聯合報╱編譯李京倫／報導】2012.12.11
03:01 am
華盛頓郵報報導，南韓三星集團的業務範圍包山包海，有些南韓人甚至說，南韓已成為「三星共和國」，人們可能活在「三星生活圈」裡：用三星信用卡買三星電視，放在三星建造的公寓客廳裡，收看三星旗下的職棒球隊出賽。
三星是南韓最大財閥、最亮眼的經濟奇蹟，近年卻引發重大爭議。經濟學家、中小企業主與某些政治人物控訴三星權勢薰天，影響力幾乎跟政府一樣大。
在南韓國內生產毛額（ＧＤＰ）中，三星就占了約兩成。從鋪路、鑽油、經營飯店、開遊樂園、賣保險、製造Galaxy智慧手機與蘋果iPhone 關鍵零組件，三星在南韓就像巨獸，無所不在。
批評者指出，三星挾著龐大優勢進入新產業，擠壓中小企業的生存空間，讓韓國消費者的選擇越來越少，有時還與其他財閥聯手壟斷價格，並欺壓調查人員。韓國知名經濟類電台節目主持人吳碩勳說：「你甚至可以說，三星董事長李健熙的權力比總統李明博還大，在韓國人看來，法律已不能節制三星。」
南韓在歷次民主國家政府清廉程度排名中相對落後，一般認為，南韓政府與大財團傳統上的緊密關係是南韓經濟成長的助力。
然而最近幾年，三星阻止官方調查它壟斷價格，卻只被處以輕微罰款；此外，李健熙曾因背信罪被判刑，李明博卻為了申辦二○一八年冬季奧運、「顧及國家利益」而特赦身為國際奧會委員（但資格被暫停）的李健熙。這些事讓南韓人對三星更加反感。
這次南韓總統大選的主要候選人同聲主張要防止財團交叉持股，不讓少數家族掌控多種產業。
執政黨新世界黨候選人朴槿惠其父故總統朴正熙一手建立財閥體系，朴槿惠親商立場其來有自。但極左派候選人李正姬說，「三星掌握了司法、媒體、學術界與政界，整個政府在它手中」。
In South Korea, the Republic of Samsung
By Chico Harlan, Dec 10, 2012 02:04 AM EST
The Washington Post Published:
December 10
SEOUL — So sprawling is
Samsung’s modern-day empire that some South Koreans say it has become possible
to live a Samsung-only life: You can use a Samsung credit card to buy a Samsung
TV for the living room of your Samsung-made apartment on which you’ll watch the
Samsung-owned pro baseball team.
Samsung is South Korea’s greatest economic success, and,
more recently, the subject of major controversy. Economists, owners of small-
and medium-size businesses, and some politicians say Samsung no longer merely
powers the country but overpowers it, wielding influence that nearly matches
that of the government.
Debate over how to curb
the size and power of Samsung and other family-run conglomerates has become the
key issue in South Korea’s Dec. 19 presidential election, with polls showing
that about three in four voters say they feel negatively about the country’s
few behemoth businesses. Candidates are sparring over how far to go to
constrain them.
Samsung draws the greatest scrutiny because it is by far
the largest chaebol — the Korean term for corporate groups that were
jump-started with government support — and because it is wildly prosperous as
the rest of the economy slows down. The conglomerate contributes roughly a
fifth of South Korea’s gross domestic product.
Some Koreans call the country “The Republic of Samsung.”
Famous globally for its electronics, Samsung would be one
of the largest conglomerates in almost any country. But within its tiny home
country, the size of Virginia, it acts more as a do-everything monolith,
building roads and oil rigs, operating hotels and amusement parks, selling
insurance, making not only the world’s best-selling smartphone, the Galaxy, but
also selling key components to Apple for the iPhone — even as the two battle in
a series of lawsuits.
In its domestic market, Samsung is far ahead of Apple.
Only one in 10 South Korean smartphone users has an iPhone. (Samsung holds
about 33 percent of the global smartphone market, while Apple accounts for
about 17 percent. In the United States, Apple controls 34.3 percent of the
smartphone market. )
Critics say Samsung elbows into new industries, knocking
out smaller businesses, limiting choices for Korean consumers and sometimes
colluding with fellow giants to fix prices while bullying those who
investigate. They also see in Samsung the picture of closed-door wealth, a
family affair in which Chairman Lee Kun-hee is passing power to his son.
“You can even say the Samsung chairman is more powerful
than the South Korean president,” said Woo Suk-hoon, host of a popular
economics podcast. “Korean people have come to think of Samsung as invincible
and above the law.”
A reversal of opinion
That sentiment has intensified in recent years, a period
during which Samsung has obstructed price-fixing investigations — drawing only
minor fines — and seen its chairman indicted for financial crimes, only to
receive a presidential pardon “in the national interest,” as a government
spokesman put it.
South Korea ranks poorly among democratized countries in
corruption rankings, and the traditionally cozy ties between government and the
biggest companies were widely seen as the enabler of the country’s economic
rise.
But Lee’s pardon, in late 2009, helped lead to
a reversal in thinking. It came at a time when President Lee Myung-bak — a
former chaebol man who has kept policies in their favor during his five-year
term — was pushing South Korea’s bid for the 2018 Winter Olympics.
The president thought the Samsung chairman, a member of
the International Olympic Committee, could help. Once his record was cleared,
Lee in 2010 took 11 trips worldwide while working for the bid. The town of
Pyeongchang eventually won the rights to host the Games — a $20 billion boon
for the economy, according to one research institute’s forecast. Though South
Koreans rejoiced over the selection, announced in July 2011, the IOC’s choice
did little to soften most citizens’ negative opinion about Lee’s pardoning.
South Korea’s leading
presidential candidates say the country has been far too lenient in how it
treats its richest men. Chaebol executives who commit crimes should be punished
harshly, they all say, with no chance for such redemption.
The leading candidates say South Korea should prevent
conglomerates, Samsung included, from weaving their various companies together
in what’s known here as “cross-shareholding,” a controversial ownership
structure in which a family concentrates its shares in a few core companies,
then passes investment to other affiliates within the group. The arrangement
allows families to control a broad range of businesses, even those in which
they hold few, if any, shares.
Though there is broad agreement about some reforms, the
level of concern about chaebol differs across party lines. The position of
conservative candidate Park Geun-hye is that the conglomerates are merely
unruly — a notable view in itself, given that Park belongs to Lee Myung-bak’s
pro-business ruling party, and that her father — dictator Park Chung-hee —
built the chaebol system after taking power in a military coup in 1961. Park
Geun-hye said recently that chaebols often steal technology from smaller
innovators and force unfair pricing on suppliers.
“In the economic area, we have emphasized the concept of
efficiency, and in some sense, we haven’t paid enough attention to the concept
of fairness,” she said.
But the opinion on the far left is that chaebols,
particularly Samsung, hold a dangerous level of influence. That viewpoint
caught traction after a former Samsung counsel, in 2007, accused the
conglomerate of systematically distributing money from a slush fund to
influential figures. In the ensuing probe, a special investigator found no
evidence of bribery but did uncover the financial crimes for which Lee, the
chairman, was later pardoned.
“Samsung has the government in its hands,” Lee Jung-hee,
a liberal presidential candidate with virtually no chance of winning, said in a
nationally televised debate Tuesday. “Samsung manages the legal world, the
press, the academics and bureaucracy.”
Driven to evolve
Samsung, which began in 1938 by exporting vegetables and
dried Korean fish, became a budding power after an alliance was forged between
its founder, Lee Byung-chull, and the military dictator, Park, who controlled
the country’s banks and determined who got loans.
But the conglomerate thrives now in part
because it makes good products — an important point for South Koreans, who are
deeply competitive and see in Samsung some of the traits they want for
themselves: ambition, speed, and the ability to adapt and stay on top.
A majority of chaebols haven’t survived. Fourteen of
South Korea’s 30 largest companies were wiped out during the 1997 Asian
financial crisis.
But Samsung has been
steadily growing for decades. It operates 79 subsidiaries, more than twice what
it did 25 years ago. Its size relative to South Korea’s economy has also grown:
The conglomerate accounts for 28 percent of the nation’s exports, twice its
share in 1987.
A powerful Samsung is healthy for the country, corporate
spokesman Kevin Cho said, because it makes “major contributions to Korea’s
exports, tax revenue and employment.” Cho also emphasized that Samsung is a
global player, not a just a domestic one. In 2011, 84 percent of its
electronics revenue was generated outside Korea.
Samsung has prospered on the strength of its electronics
company, which has made a decade-long run of smart bets on tiny batteries,
low-cost flat-panel TVs and smartphones. While Japanese companies fixated on
ornamental and pricey home electronics, Samsung purchased proven technology and
quickly began producing cheaper — and high-quality — versions. In the case of
smartphones, such a strategy has led to a global patent war with Apple,
Samsung’s top competitor. But it has also turned Samsung, once a non-factor in
the mobile phone market, into the world’s leading producer in three years.
The Samsung Group makes a point of never doing any one
thing for too long, and Lee Kun-hee says frequently that his employees should
feel a sense of permanent crisis. Even in its glossy corporate profile, Samsung
sounds alarmist. “The positions we currently hold will be obsolete and
untenable 10 years from now,” Samsung says. “Across global business, attachment
to laurels is folly.” The group is investing billions in green technology,
medical equipment and pharmaceuticals.
Samsung is a “survivor” of competition, said Lee
Cheol-haeng, head of the corporate policy team at the Federation of Korean
Industries, which lobbies for large-size businesses.
“Many Koreans right now have dual minds about chaebols,”
Lee added. “They say, ‘I hate chaebols, but I want my son to work for one.’ ”
Yoonjung Seo contributed to this report.
