香港明報報導，連署公開信消息傳出後，參與其事的中共元老遭到關切，有人已被警告，有人被勸「外出療養」，還有人家中電話被切斷，多名連署人昨天都表示暫時不方便接受採訪。
20名連署人平均年齡超過80歲，加入中共黨齡平均逾60年，其中包括94歲的毛澤東前秘書李銳、90歲的新華社前副社長李普、87歲的國家新聞出版署前署長杜導正、著名散文家袁鷹、著名詩人兼評論家邵燕祥、曾為江青和王軍濤辯護的著名大律師張思之、中國政法大學前校長江平等。
連署人邵燕祥說，他不認識劉曉波，但對劉曉波在1989年「六四」當晚在天安門廣場勸說大學生離場，避免更大流血事件印象深刻，參與連署主要是想表達公開信中的重要觀點。）
中國報復美軍售台灣 金融時報：恐起反作用
＊ 中央社╱倫敦1日專電 2010.02.02
英國「金融時報」報導，為報復美國宣布軍售台灣，中國擬對美武器供應商進行貿易制裁，此舉不僅可能損害中國企業，違反國際貿易規範，同時不利競價採購設備，恐產生反作用。
報導說，上週五歐巴馬政府宣布首批軍售台灣的清單，中國政府威脅將對美國武器供應商進行制裁報復，其中包括飛機製造商波音公司（Boeing）。
香港民航處前處長樂鞏南接受訪問時指出，「我不認為中國會完全放棄波音，因為他們要藉波音作為與歐洲折衝的籌碼」。
樂鞏南認為，中國可能會沿用過去的模式，多買一些空中巴士的飛機。
報導說，中國航空業是由政府掌控，採購具有濃厚的政治氣息，如果一味對波音制裁，將可能對中國現有的商業機隊造成嚴重傷害。
目前中國商業機隊53%採用波音飛機，空中巴士飛機僅佔36%。
報導說，對一家出售12枚飛彈給台灣的公司進行貿易報復，「代價未免太大」。
軍售台灣的國防武器製造商包括洛克希德馬丁公司（Lockheed Martin）和雷神公司（Raytheon），他們在中國幾乎沒有什麼業務，洛克希德馬丁公司在北京只有一名兼職的員工，因此不需要太擔心中國的制裁。
不過，聯合技術（United Technologies）的子公司希克斯基公司飛機製造商（Sikorsky Aircraft），將出售60架黑鷹直升機給台灣，它在中國有較大的市場占有率，包括奧的斯電梯（Otis elevators）和開利空調（Carrier）公司。
聯合技術公司在中國共聘雇1萬6000名員工。
報導說，如果北京試圖封鎖電梯等產品市場，將導致美國依據世界貿易組織（WTO）規定，對中國採取法律行動，WTO禁止民生用品市場公開排除外國供應商。
一旦美國在WTO的法律挑戰成功，北京將可能自食惡果，面臨自己的出口被制裁。
報導說，多數專家認為，中國不會對波音或其它美國國防工業企業進行有意義的制裁，使自身利益受損。一位航空業主管說，「中國可能對波音處分6個月，下單買20架空中巴士，之後肯定就會讓事情緩和下來」。
美軍售台灣 日社論籲日對中擴軍明示不安
＊ 中央社╱東京2日專電 2010.02.02
「日本經濟新聞」今天在社論中指出，美國歐巴馬政府決定軍售台灣，是由於對中國擴軍造成兩岸軍事失衡不利於台灣的不安，日本政府也應把對中國擴軍的不安坦率地告訴中方。
社論中說，美國政府日前決定軍售台灣是由於對中國擴軍造成台海兩岸軍力越來越有利於中國的不安，馬英九政府雖改善兩岸關係，但中國仍未放棄武力攻擊台灣的可能性，並有千枚以上的飛彈瞄準台灣。
社論說，中國對美國軍售台灣採取報復措施，在目前仍陷金融危機之際，美中關係若趨於緊張，有可能對世界經濟也造成影響，特別是中國表明「美中在重要的國際和區域問題上的合作難免受到影響」令人不安，因為兩國須協調的課題甚多。
社論同時指出，美中由於人民幣匯率、人權以至Google網站等對立的議題甚多，今年是美國的期中選舉年，有分析指出美中關係將是全球經濟最大的不安因素，雙方應採取明智的對策。
社論表示，全球對中國在增強國力之下對外態度更趨強硬的不安日益擴大，日本政府也有必要把包括對中國擴軍的不安等想法坦率地告訴中方。
小說「盛世」：中國沒全球共享模式
＊ 聯合報╱記者陳宛茜／台北報導 2010.02.02
甫出版中國寓言小說「盛世」的香港作家陳冠中，認為中國之所以還未真正取得超級大國地位，是因為缺乏一套「能讓其他國家一起加入、共享的模式」。
陳冠中生於上海、成長於香港，曾住台北六年，現於北京工作，對兩岸三地有深刻觀察。「盛世」是一本預言「未來新中國」的寓言小說，描述二○一三年的中國，進入「盛世」後令人嘆為觀止的種種亂象。
陳冠中認為，二戰後的美國，慢慢建立起一套價值與模式，讓全世界都可以一起合作參與，這也是美國成為真正「超級大國」的基礎。
但陳冠中不希望中國像美國一樣，建立一套讓世界一起參與、或者說是「臣服」的模式。「那恐怕是另一個災難！」他希望中國能加入世界已運行的這套模式，「和世界各國一起磨合、改變它，重新整合出一條新的路！」
U.S. Arms for Taiwan Send Beijing a Message
＊ HELENE COOPER (January 31, 2010)
WASHINGTON — For the past year, China has adopted an increasingly muscular position toward the United States, berating American officials for the global economic crisis, stage-managing President Obama’s visit to China in November, refusing to back a tougher climate change agreement in Copenhagen and standing fast against American demands for tough new Security Council sanctions against Iran.
Now, the Obama administration has started to push back. In announcing an arms sales package to Taiwan worth $6 billion on Friday, the United States leveled a direct strike at the heart of the most sensitive diplomatic issue between the two countries since America affirmed the “one China” policy in 1972.
The arms package was doubly infuriating to Beijing coming so soon after the Bush administration announced a similar arms package for Taiwan in 2008, and right as tensions were easing somewhat in Beijing and Taipei’s own relations. China’s immediate, and outraged, reaction — cancellation of some military exchanges and announcement of punitive sanctions against American companies — demonstrates, China experts said, that Beijing is feeling a little burned, particularly because the Taiwan arms announcement came on the same day that Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton publicly berated China for not taking a stronger position on holding Iran accountable for its nuclear program.
While administration officials sounded a uniform public note, cautioning Beijing not to allow this latest tiff to damage overall relations, some administration officials suggested privately that the timing of the arms sales and the tougher language on Iran was calculated to send a message to Beijing to avoid assumptions that President Obama would be deferential to China over American security concerns and existing agreements.
“This was a case of making sure that there was no misunderstanding that we will act in our own national security interests,” one senior administration official said. A second Obama administration official, also speaking on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue, said pointedly: “Unlike the previous administration, we did not wait until the end of our administration to go ahead with the arms sales to Taiwan. We did it early.”
But larger questions remain about where the Obama administration is heading on China policy, and whether the new toughness signals a fundamentally new direction and will yield results that last year’s softer approach did not.
Beyond the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, management of the American relationship with China is one of Mr. Obama’s biggest foreign policy challenges. Flush with cash, China’s economy is growing mightily, and China has become one of the biggest foreign lenders to the United States. China also is an increasingly critical American trading partner and a global rival in influence and economic power.
“The president’s view is that obviously we have to have a mature enough relationship with China that we can be candid and firm where we disagree and cooperate forcefully when we agree,” a senior administration official said. He insisted that the timing of the arms package and Mrs. Clinton’s tough words were “not designed to send a gratuitous message to China, but to demonstrate the firmness of our position.”
China has a history of getting off to a tough start with American administrations. President Bill Clinton alienated Beijing with tough talk on human rights, even signing an executive order that made renewal of trade privileges for China dependent on progress on human rights. But Mr. Clinton reversed himself in 1994, saying that the United States and China would move forward faster on issues of mutual concern if Beijing was not isolated.
Similarly, President George W. Bush’s first dealings with the Chinese were also fractious, including an effort to recover American airmen whose spy plane was forced down off the Chinese coast.
“The Obama administration came in exactly the opposite,” said Steven Clemons, director of foreign policy programs at the New America Foundation. “They needed China on economic issues, climate change, Iran, North Korea. So they came in wanting to do this lovely dance with China, but that didn’t work.”
Instead, China pushed back hard, including at the Copenhagen climate change summit meeting in December, when Beijing balked at American and European demands that China agree to an international monitoring system for emissions targets. Twice, the Chinese “prime minister”, Wen Jiabao, sent an underling to represent him at meetings with Mr. Obama, in what diplomats said was an intentional snub. Mr. Obama later had to track down Mr. Wen, surprising him and appearing at the doorway of a conference room where Mr. Wen was meeting with the leaders of South Africa, Brazil and India.
The United States and China eventually reached a compromise on the monitoring agreement, but the whole incident left a bad taste in the mouths of many Obama administration officials, who believed China had deliberately set out to belittle Mr. Obama, and who were determined to push back and reassert American authority.
“The Chinese,” said James J. Shinn, who was assistant secretary of defense for Asia during the Bush administration, “now seem to have a palpable sense of confidence that they’re more in the driver’s seat than two years ago, across a whole range of issues.”
For Mr. Obama, the arms sale to Taiwan, which China considers a breakaway province, may be only the first of many instances this year in which he will run afoul of Beijing.
Some foreign policy experts said that the administration now seemed intent on poking at the sovereignty issues that have long been China’s Achilles’ heel. Mrs. Clinton noted on Friday that Mr. Obama would soon be meeting with the Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama — a meeting that White House officials put off last summer to avoid alienating Beijing in advance of Mr. Obama’s China trip. China regards the Dalai Lama as an advocate of Tibetan independence.
“China is feeling very confident these days, but the one thing that the Chinese freak out about consistently are sovereignty issues,” said Mr. Clemons of the New America Foundation. “So anything related to Taiwan or Tibet will get them going.”
Added to that, the administration has been championing Internet freedom recently, another source of public tension with Beijing. China’s government is embroiled in a fight with Google over that company’s complaints about Internet censorship and hacking attacks it says originated in China.
But the tougher American positions do not change the fact that Mr. Obama needs Chinese cooperation on a host of issues. Beyond his efforts to rein in Iran’s nuclear ambitions, the president is also working with Beijing on similar ambitions in North Korea.
And Mr. Obama announced in his State of the Union address last week that he planned to double American exports in the next five years, an ambitious goal that cannot be met unless he somehow persuades China to let its currency appreciate, making Chinese products more expensive in the United States and American products more affordable in China.
