創業，其實不是件難事, 難的是如何管理讓企業生存下去。
只不過，在中國，對於一個外國人來説，如果語言不通，觀念不同，就是很大的障礙，更不用説創業，生活都會有問題了。
我聽過有人說我不懂中國人的思想，也許吧。不過我跟中國人在外囯合作了十幾年，如果我還不懂他們的思想，我就是白活了。
其實每個人的人生裏，經歷的事不同，有時候我經歷過，覺得不好的事，我當然不會想重經歷一次。可能對於一個沒經歷過的人，會因爲求利心切，整個人都投進去。
相對的一些人，會覺得我像懦夫，不往前進。可我並不是這麽想，如果有些事不清不楚，我情願不曚着眼的衝進去。
對於一個外國人，如果他在中國人的社會裏找不到答案，就覺得被矇騙，到時就尋找法律途徑。
下面是一個美國律師寫對中國法律的看法。他說得很有道理，中國的法律，有時候也是不合法的。他不是中國人，有些事看不到，但有些事卻看得很清楚。
但中國人自己本身在中國，看到的東西多，知道缺陷在那裏，就明知故犯。其實這是觀念，是愚蠢，還是藐視法律，這只能問那人本身才能知道了。
在現實的生活中，我們不可能掌握所有的人的思想，更不可能掌握社會的變化，政府拿法律來限制人民的作爲，但是對是錯，需要拿不同的角度來看解問題。
中國人思想想避免利用法律途徑，但西洋人生活中的一切，都跟法律有關，這兩個世界如何能和諧呢？知道答案的人，自然就會明白了。
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Looking for Law in China
STANLEY LUBMAN
School of Law (Boalt Hall) University of California, Berkeley
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Columbia Journal of Asian Law, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-92, Fall 2006
Abstract:
This article addresses the causes, management and likely future of legal uncertainty that has marked the environment for foreign direct investment (FDI) in China since it was reintroduced in 1979. To attract FDI, local governments and investors have adopted a variety of tactics, many of which violate national laws and policies.
Major causes of uncertainty include the following:
· Incomplete, unclear and tentative legislation and rule-making due to the understandable difficulty of filling a legal vacuum.
· Structural problems include disorderly allocation of power among central law-making agencies, inconsistencies between national legislation and local legislation and practice, and inadequate institutions for dispute resolution.
· Chinese legal culture is reflected in loose drafting, lack of transparency and extremely wide bureaucratic discretion.
· Uncertainty results also from the tension between state control and opening markets, which is often resolved when policy trumps law, as in a recent regulation on foreign acquisition of Chinese enterprises that requires special approval of certain transactions that would affect a “key industry” or “national or economic security” - but without defining those terms.
Foreign investors and Chinese officials have dealt with uncertainty in a variety of ways. High-ranking officials have sometimes countenanced violations of law and policy by investors who have curried their favor (e.g., Rupert Murdoch). More commonly, local officials grant unauthorized investment incentives, exceeed limits on their authority to approve investment projects and otherwise disregard central law and policies. Such conduct led, for example, to the dominance of the French chain Carrefour in the retail sector. Investors and officials often rely on personal relationships, sometimes corrupt, and intermediaries who are sometimes unreliable.
Uncertainty will persist because the causes enumerated here will be long-lived, especially the ongoing autonomy of local governments, lack of clarity in defining the goals of economic reform and guiding its course, and the persistence of the CCP’s overriding aim of maintaining its dominance over Chinese society.
The problems surveyed here also suggest that legal reform generally will continue to be constrained by the rapidity of social change and the crisis of values that presently roils Chinese society. In Beijing, progress, albeit slow, on legal reform conflicts with the policy of CCP dominance; meanwhile, around the country, citizens’ rights-consciousness is increasing, but local governments often resist the assertion of rights. Shaping post-Mao Chinese legal culture, like economic reform, continues to be a work in progress.
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